The Economist Issues Warning
Thailand warned to keep hands off its own elections.
泰國被警告不要沾手自己的選舉。
Tony Cartalucci, Conributing Writer
Activist Post
Friday, July 1, 2011
TRanslation by Autumnson Blog
Bangkok, Thailand July 1, 2011 - While many may believe the Economist is a reputable news publication, it is in reality a clearinghouse for the global corporatacracy and their illegitimate agenda. The Economist itself admitted to consorting with the global-elite at various venues including the annual, illegal Bilderberg meeting. And while many may rush to their defense, claiming such consorting is innocuous, the constant litany of self-serving, agenda peddling articles it turns out suggests differently. No piece better exemplifies this than their latest article, "Hands off the result." Describing Thailand's upcoming July 3 elections, the Economist considers the country as good as in the hands of the foreign-backed opposition party, and instructs the current Thai government to "behave as a loyal opposition."
泰國曼谷2011年7月1日 - 儘管許多人可能認為經濟學人是有信譽的新聞出版，但在現實中它是一處給全球陰謀論及其非法議程的結算所。經濟學人自己也承認在不同場合與全球精英結交，包括年度、非法的彼爾德伯格會議。而儘管許多人可能急於為他們辯護，聲稱這樣的廝混是無害的，但一連串不斷自我服務、議程兜售的文章，事實證明是不同的。以他們最新的文章“不要沾手結果”，沒有更好的作品充分體現這，描述了泰國即將舉行的7月3日選舉，經濟學人認為，國家最好在外國支持的反對黨手中，並指示目前的泰國政府要“如一個忠誠的反對派般檢點。”
What the Economist conveniently omits is the fact that the opposition party in Thailand, Peua Thai, is led by convicted criminal, Dubai-based fugitive, and globalist-stooge Thaksin Shinawatra. While the Economist claims that Thaksin's sister, who is running in his place, "is running a slick and brilliant campaign," the reality is she is simply a place holder with the campaign slogan reduced literally to, "Thaksin thinks, Peua Thai does."
圖片：雖然許多人嘗試提出，泰國的反對派泰國Peua是與他信一步之差，他自己的妹妹在他的位置治黨，和他們的2011年競選口號字面上是“他信想的，泰國Peua做。”經濟學人則提出，泰國政府應該保持“不沾手結果”，並容許一名被定罪目前在逃避2年監禁時間的罪犯，來僅衹是通過一個明顯的代理政黨奪回國家。
Thaksin, for his part, has been in the service of the global corporatocracy since before his 2001-2006 premiership, when he served as an adviser for the Neo-Con lined Carlyle Group. During his time as Thailand's prime minister, he attempted to ramrod through a US-Thai free trade agreement without parliamentary approval. On the eve of the September 19, 2006 military coup that ousted Thaksin from power, he was literally reporting to the Council on Foreign Relations in New York City.
Since his ousting from power Thaksin has been represented by global elitists via their lobbying firms, including Kenneth Adelman of the Edelman PR firm (Freedom House, International Crisis Group, PNAC), James Baker of Baker Botts (CFR), Robert Blackwill of Barbour Griffith & Rogers (CFR), Kobre & Kim, and currently Robert Amsterdam of Amsterdam & Peroff (Chatham House). Meanwhile, his street mobs dubbed the "red shirts" have received rhetorical support by US-funded NGOs like Prachatai which received 1.5 million baht from the Neo-Con lined National Endowment for Democracy.
Prachatai in turn makes a career undermining the current Thai government by citing contrived metrics provided by corporate-serving international arbiters. These include Freedom House (who's Kenneth Adelman served as Thaksin's lobbyist), the Soros-funded Human Rights Watch, and fellow NED fund recipient Reporters Without Borders.
It is quite clear, upon examining the facts the Economist omitted, who the Western corporate-elite want to win the Thai July 3rd election. And while the Economist instructs Thailand to keep it's hands off its own election results, suggesting the Thai Army "stay firmly in its barracks" and allow a convicted criminal's overt proxy party to seize control of the country, it fails to provide any advice to Thaksin's Peua Thai party in the event it fails to take over Thailand's parliamentary system.
In fact, the Economist suggests that "if it [Peua Thai] handsomely beats the Democrats yet is kept from power by a blocking coalition or by the disqualification through the courts of some of its candidates, its supporters will feel, yet again, that they have been cheated. They may abandon hopes for change through the ballot box." Of course, in Thailand's parliamentary systems, it is perfectly legal to form coalitions in any manner parties agree on. It is also perfectly legal to prosecute and disqualify candidates guilty of overt vote buying. By abandoning hope for change through the ballot box, the Economist of course means tipping off a third consecutive year of murderous street riots. 2010's riots featured admitted militants fielded by Thaksin's proxy "red shirt" movement. 2011's will surely make 2010's violence pale in comparison.
What the Economist, in tandem with fellow Chatham House major corporate member Amsterdam & Peroff, are trying to accomplish is establishing a particular narrative to call the elections "stolen" and justify Thaksin's third attempt of topping Thailand in violence and chaos in the streets. In an instant replay of the foreign-funded destabilization in Tunisia and Egypt, the global elite and their treasonous proxy Thaksin Shinawatra are preparing to plunge the region into an "Asian Summer."
Tony Cartalucci's articles have appeared on many alternative media websites, including his own at
Land Destroyer Report.
http://www.activistpost.com/2011/07/economist-issues-warning.html
泰國總理阿披實承認競選失敗
更新時間 2011年7月3日, 格林尼治標準時間13:17
泰國國會選舉部分點票結果表明在野的為泰黨將獲大勝，爭取連任的現總理阿披實承認自己競選失敗。
流亡海外的前總理他信的妹妹英祿領導的為泰黨預計將可獲得下議院半數議席，英祿將成為泰國第一位女總理。
目前點票已經完成60%。
他信已經從迪拜向英祿致電表示祝賀。他還告訴BBC，雖然點票尚未全部完成，但顯然泰國人民選擇了和解和變革。
他表示沒有計劃馬上回國。
考驗民主
這次選舉被視為對泰國脆弱的民主制度的一次重大考驗。4700萬名選民將選出新一屆國會下議院的500名議員。
爭取連任的阿披實警告，英祿將試圖為受到貪污指控的他信平反翻案。
BBC東南亞事務記者哈維發自曼谷的報道說，選民們認同這次選舉是嘗試結束連年政治不穩定的重大機會。
根據泰國的選舉制度，選民理論上必須投票，但是當局從未對不投票的人進行處罰。
這次選舉共有3832名候選人角逐，下議院其中375席將由分區直選產生，其餘125席則是按照各政黨在另一張選票的得票比例進行分配。
記者們分析說，英祿是政壇新人，而其強大的支持似乎是源於她以兄長他信的政策作為拉票的基礎。
記者們說，無論由哪一方獲勝，新政府都將要面對如何讓深陷分裂的國家恢復團結，並修補其傷痕累累的民主制度。
http://www.bbc.co.uk/zhongwen/trad/world/2011/07/110703_thailand_election.shtml
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